This blog covered the by-elections from Yangon and Kawhmu in March & April 2012
ELECTION X – ‘I would die for Aung San Suu Kyi’
The NLD has won by a landslide in the by-election in Myanmar, securing 43 of the 44 seats it contested. (03/04/12)
After the mania surrounding Aung San Suu Kyi’s speech died down and the woman known as The Lady went home to rest, what were the feelings of party officials and members inside the National League for Democracy’s Yangon HQ?
1. Ye Naung
The 23-year-old member of the NLD’s Youth Generation reveals a scar on the right-side of his head. It is a permanent reminder of the violent treatment he suffered at the hands of the police when he was just 18 and taking part in pro-democracy protests. Amongst mouthfuls of rice and green pepper curry he went on to speak movingly of his love for his ‘Mother Suu’.
“I fully believe in Aung San Suu Kyi. I would give everything for her. I would die for her”
2. Daw Lai Lai
For party official Daw Lai Lai, 64, the possible hurdles the NLD may face in parliament from the government-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party are dismissed with a laugh and a swish of hand. She confirms that the NLD policy of hoping to change the constitution will be pursued in parliament but underlines the momentum that comes with the landslide win “this is no time to stop and party”. Daw Lai Lai also reiterates that “the people do not want a military government and points out how she feels the country should be restructured in two upheavals:
“The military under the government. And the government under the people.”
3. Dr Myo Aung
Former physician Myo Aung is one of the new MPs who will be representing the NLD in parliament. The doctor had been jailed for twelve-month sentences on two separate occasions for speaking out against the government.
He cited five main concerns in his Seik Kan township, 25 miles outside Yangon, that he wanted to raise in the capital, Naypyidaw. They were, firstly: lack of infrastructure; access to running water; and efficient electricity supply. And also the problems of water-borne diseases prevalent in the rainy season when open sewers spill out onto the streets and the issue of compensation for local farmers who had been subjected to compulsory purchase yet had not been rewarded for the move.
ELECTION IX – ‘We are with you, Mother’
As we approached the city headquarters of the National League for Democracy this morning, traffic slowed to a standstill. People had massed on a hill opposite the office, climbed nearby trees and were leaning over roofs. A crowd of this size could only mean one thing: Aung San Suu Kyi was in town.
She had returned to Yangon last night after spending most of the election day in her village, Wat Thien Kha. She addressed the thrilled public, made up of ecstatic supporters and journalists jumping about for space. Aung San Suu Kyi is affectionately known as ‘Amay Suu’, or ‘Mother Suu’, amongst her people and the red-clad NLD voters certainly treat her with an untouchable matriarchal reverence.
She made her way from party HQ to her house on the gentle shores of Inya Lake to have some down-time after an exhausting campaign. But now she has been elected to the Pyithu Hluttaw (lower house) in an historic vote and will be back on her feet before too long.
ELECTION VIII – As-Live Report from Yangon
Residents of Myangone township in north of Yangon hold community meetings in open houses to air their frustrations to the Association of South East Asian Nations observers at not being able to vote in the election
ELECTION VII – A chance for freedom
The people of Myanmar are going to the polls to vote in a by-election for 45 parliamentary seats. (01/04/12)
Millions of people across the country are heading to the ballot boxes to cast their votes in this historic election. Some people have been turning up in family groups, others on their own, clutching their pink registration cards.
Feelings of excitement have been running through the city since polls opened at 0600 local time. In Mingalar Thaung Nyaunt township, in downtown Yangon, 64-year-old U Dan Suu said he was “very happy for this opportunity”. A young woman who voted shortly after him was also pleased to have had “a chance for freedom”.
A 72-year-old man, who wished to remain anonymous, said “I want to be [living] under a democracy. We had democracy here, before 1962. I want it again.” He believed that Pyu Pyu Din, the local NLD candidate, would win easily, although he himself was not voting because his township is not holding a by-election.
The elation has been tempered elsewhere by reports of fraud and intimidation by the ruling, government-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party.
Last night, in Aung San Suu Kyi’s Kawmhu constituency, government party campaigners turned up in 15-20 vehicles to speak to the residents. One local woman told Burmese media that the USDP were trying to trick the pro-NLD villagers into putting a tick next to Suu Kyi’s name on the ballot paper if they liked her and a cross next to USDP if they were against the ruling party. Such a move would spoil the sheet. There were also reports that people were being bribed to turn up to a USDP open-air campaigning event.
The international observers have a real job on their hands and there are simply too many polling stations in each township to be able to attend them all. Local officials are trying to monitor the voting but some members of the NLD have already been running around totting up the votes they have received hour-by-hour. Some results should be out within a few hours of the vote; the scores from other townships may take up to a week to verify and release.
ELECTION VI – On the road to Kawmhu
The people of Myanmar are going to the polls to vote in a by-election for 45 parliamentary seats. (31/03/12)
On the eve of the election, Aung San Suu Kyi made the two-hour drive from Yangon to her constituency home in the Kawmhu township. The route was dusty and humid but village after village came out onto the track to cheer and greet the convoy as it followed the NLD leader to her house.
Awaiting her arrival
The USDP (party with a government majority) cruise through in an eleventh-hour attempt to whip up support. A losing battle in such a fanatically NLD district
Riding in the convoy en route to Aung San Suu Kyi’s township home
ELECTION V – Watching and waiting
Tomorrow, on Sunday 1 April, Myanmar will hold a by-election for 45 parliamentary seats. (31/03/12)
Monitors from across the world have descended on the country to observe the voting process. They are in place noting the run-up to tomorrow, how the voting actually goes in practice and checking any irregularities that emerge afterwards.
Speaking to a UN observer about the vote, he reiterated the simple desire, first and foremost, to see a free and fair election. Aung San Suu Kyi is not so sure that this aim can be achieved. But even as recently as yesterday the government’s English-language mouthpiece, The New Light of Myanmar, once again reassured readers that the voting process would not fall down and would be found by the observers to have complied with all the international recommendations.
The monitor admitted that not all the scientific tools used in other electoral missions will be at hand here. He also said that the global observers had been in a bit of rush to organise the monitoring as the government in Naypyidaw only published the guest-list last week.
The observers will try to make it to all the townships where votes are taking place, for although there are several constituencies in Yangon, the voting will reach across the country, up to Mandalay and down to the Irrawaddy delta area. The UN, EU, US and ASEAN will not accept electoral fraud from any angle and the National League for Democracy and other opposition parties, such as the Democratic Party and the National Democratic Force, have to ensure they play by the rules as well.
ELECTION IV – Street parties
On Sunday, 1 April Myanmar will hold a by-election for 45 parliamentary seats. (30/03/12)
Two days to go before the vote and National League for Democracy supporters are happy, excited and dancing in the street in central Yangon
ELECTION III – From tiny acorns
On 1 April Myanmar will hold a by-election for 45 parliamentary seats. This blog will cover it live from Yangon. This is the third preview post on the crucial vote. (26/03/12)
There are many ways to rig an election. Falsified ballots, stuffed boxes, lost votes, added votes, removing opponents…the blacklist is long and Burma has experienced most of the tricks in the past. In 1990, the people of Myanmar overwhelmingly voted for the opposition, led by Aung San Suu Kyi. Sadly for the voters, this was not exactly the result that the government had expected. And so the officials declared the election null and void, slotted themselves into the Amyotha Hluttaw, the upper house and the Pytithu Hluttaw, the lower house, and put Suu Kyi under house arrest for twenty years.
Millions of people believe that this time will be different. This is not 1990 again – that was a general election and this is a vote for just 45 parliamentary seats – but a democratic oak could spring from this by-election acorn.
There are three major reasons why there is a more optimistic aroma in the air this time round. Firstly, the democratic activists have been allowed to campaign at a level of freedom not previously experienced. Aung San Suu Kyi has been leading the charge and drawing large sympathetic crowds. Despite this she has been taken ill with exhaustion and is, at the moment, having a few days off to recover before the big push at the end of the week. Secondly, the government seems to have changed for the better. The military still has around 160 reserved seats in both houses of parliament but this is now a country where the civilians are starting to wield the power. Finally, there has been welcome international engagement with the vote.
The government has done the right thing by agreeing to have the vote monitored. There is a long list of outsiders making their way to Burma at the moment with sharpened pencils and clipboards. The presence of the EU and US should not be dismissed but it is more important that observers from the regional bloc attend. Myanmar is in line to assume the chair of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014 and the support and advice from its neighbours is of greatest use at the moment.
Where the officials from Washington and Brussels come in is that they have still got punitive sanctions slapped on Naypyidaw. They will be anxious for the Burmese to run a smooth vote that can be lauded loudly so that they can get rid of some of the restrictions. But most of all, and most significantly, there is agreement amongst journalists that the Burmese must monitor themselves. The public must be able to feel that they can walk proudly to the ballot boxes. The government must keep order and must respect the result.
President Thein Sein has recently come back from an official trip to Vietnam, a long-time investor in Myanmar. His country is opening up and reforming itself and will be looking for foreign investors to help re-build its economy and re-establish its place in the region and world. But there is a by-election to hold first and nothing will be certain until that passes positively and the parliament has democratic voices resounding inside.
ELECTION II – A step on the bridge
On 1 April Myanmar will hold a by-election for 45 parliamentary seats. This blog will cover it live from Yangon. This is the second preview post on the crucial vote. (16/03/12)
The EU, amongst many other world observers, has its eyes peeled. As we saw earlier in the year, the US and the UK both sent their foreign secretaries to laud the reforms process and signal a probable end to the long-running sanctions and the long-standing isolation of the beautiful South East Asia nation. The European Union has already eased travel bans and pumped in a new €150m health and education development package. The bloc is ready to roll back some more restrictions provided the 1 April by-election is “free and fair”.
However, the EU would also like to see all ceasefires in the country upheld and peace deals signed if there has, as yet, been no end to violence. The current situation report is not perfect. On Monday 12 March, officials admitted that a fresh round of talks between the government and rebels in Kachin state to try to reach a peace agreement had failed. The Kachin Independence Organisation leader said:
“The reason we couldn’t sign an agreement was because mutual trust still needs to be built up and has not reached a solid level yet but we hope we will have a peace deal one day.”
In response, the government chief negotiator said:
“We are determined to have eternal peace with all ethnic groups.”
The government has clashed repeatedly with many rebels for many decades but has managed to sign ceasefires with the Karen, Shan, Chin and Mon groups recently, all of whom would like some form of devolution. Outsiders will remain nervous if the unrest in the north of the country is not resolved.
China is one of the world observers that is not in as wild a celebratory mood as Western nations. It has called for work to restart on a dam in the north of the country. Construction is well underway but the government in Naypyidaw ordered a postponement recently due to complaints from local and environmental pressure groups. They argue that the lake that would be formed would cause people in five villages to relocate and that 90% of the electricity produced by the project would skip out needy villagers and whizz straight over the border to China for consumption there.
So do you stop the dam, save the villages and anger a rich next-door neighbour or do you leave them with dodgy utilities, ship the power to China but land yourself a multi-million dollar cheque at the same time? This is part of the complicated and difficult reforms the country has embarked upon. Foreign businesses will be looking to invest in a more open and democratic Myanmar if the political situation stabilises. The country is rich in oil, gas and timber and is at the Indo-China geo-political crossroads.
If the by-election is indeed ‘free and fair’ then the process will continue and outsiders will be pleased. But the internal wrangling will not be solved on 1 April. Burma is a nation of 60m people, speaking many different languages and of different ethnicities. It has been through colonialism, the isolation imposed by the military junta and is gently breaking free from the ties. These changes must not be rushed, but they must be not be halted. The 1 April by-election is crucial, but it will be a stepping-stone on the bridge, not an end in itself.
ELECTION I – Democratic militants in Myanmar
On 1 April Myanmar will hold a by-election for 45 parliamentary seats. This blog will cover it live from Yangon (13/02/12)
If you had to name someone from Myanmar right now, the chances are that Aung San Suu Kyi will be on the tip of your tongue. She is held up by pro-democracy campaigners. She has shown she can endure hardship (in her case house imprisonment). And she has been a successful female voice against the macho military of a reclusive nation. She is a beacon for Burmese democracy and, crucially, she has now been joined by other determined, multi-party-minded activists.
Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) is the most well-known of the Burmese opposition parties. She has certainly been campaigning hard as the 1 April by-election comes ever nearer and international broadcasters have been picking up her flag-waving and hand-shaking. It seems very likely that she and her followers will emerge victorious in the very few seats (48 out of 664) seats that are being contested this spring.
Much has been made of the fact that this is the first time that Aung San Suu Kyi and her NLD are running in a general election since they won the vote held in 1990. Her reward for the poll success then was the devastating house arrest from which she was only freed in 2010. This time excitement is brewing that her reward will be a true place in the Amyotha Hluttaw (lower house).
But the NLD are not the only opposition party looking to win seats in parliament. The National Democratic Force broke off from the NLD in order to compete in the last polls, in November 2010, which the NLD boycotted. The NDF currently has four MPs in the lower house and will be looking to build on this representation. There has been rivalry as well as friendship between the NLD and the NDF but it seems that the less well-known party is determined to achieve electoral success without the force of Suu Kyi on side.
Burma has many different ethnic nationalities, from the Mon of the eastern delta to the Shan of the central east and the Kachin of the far north in the hills on the border with China. Many of these groups have also formed political parties under the democratic banner and are running for power as well.
The ongoing process of reforms seems to be following Cuba’s Castro timescale (‘without rushing but without stopping’) and so far the US and the UK have seen enough to have flown in Hillary Clinton and William Hague to support the changes. The US has re-opened ambassadorial ties and the EU is discussing an easing of sanctions.
The path to democracy is now being trodden by the Burmese, with Aung San Suu Kyi at the head of the line. But it is important not to forget the other campaigners from different parties also dreaming of a better future and their efforts must be recognised as well. A strong democratic opposition to the military’s grip on parliament can only be built through a wide coalition of ethnicities and political leanings. Suu Kyi’s charisma is welcome and something that cannot be ignored by the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party. But there are other democrats, and their voices must be heard too.